Access to owner-occupied housing through mortgage lending, 1990-2013: Loan-holders’ housing mobility towards the suburbs and exclusion from mortgages in the city centre
2015 | Dec
Access to owner-occupied housing through mortgage lending, 1990-2013: Loan-holders’ housing mobility towards the suburbs and exclusion from mortgages in the city centre
This article investigates the transformation of the Greek housing system from the 1990s until the 2008 crisis, by highlighting the interconnection of housing and the banking system via mortgage loans [1]. The main documentation is based on data from the Department of Real Estate Market Analysis of the Bank of Greece.
In Greek cities, housing typically functioned as a social mobility lift, pushing lower social strata into the middle class (Burgel 1976). The two dominant and complementary systems of dwelling provision that were traditionally used (flats-for-land and self-built), circumvented the banking system to a large extent and mainly operated through family savings. The flats-for-land method (antiparochi) is a joint venture between the landowner and the builder-contractor to share the end product between them based on price estimates of the contribution of each party. . Notwithstanding the gradual domination of market mechanisms since the 1970s, these housing provision systems resulted in limited housing segregation and shaped a spatial and social continuum in urban space, without extreme segregation phenomena (Μαλούτας 2009). Up until the ’90s, fragmented ownership and general control over land and construction ensured the geographical and social diffusion of rents. Thus the distribution of profit was distributed unequally but without exclusion, between all the parties involved in development: land owners, contractors, buyers/residents (Βαΐου et al 2004). Housing covered multiple functions within the context of the family unit, such as accommodation for members of the extended family, work for unskilled workers, a “safe” investment strategy, additional rental income and physical and symbolic inclusion in urban space.
After the country joined the Eurozone in 2001 and the credit market was deregulated in 2003, bank lending became the main method for households to access housing. This form of credit increased spectacularly from 2002 to 2007 (Σαπουντζόγλου et al 2010). The expansion of bank credit provided consumers with unprecedented purchasing power, much greater than what they typically possessed through family savings, which they invested in housing. In the end, by fuelling purchasing power, the increased offer of loans created a surge in demand for housing, resulting in high housing price inflation, without upgrades in the quality of dwellings (Emmanuel 2004).
In this way, from the ’90s and until the 2008 financial crisis, gradual commercialisation and financialisation processes in the housing sector brought by new spatial conflicts. Therefore, previous findings that indicated low segregation in Greek cities had to be revisited. In particular, the activation of banks in the housing sector significantly reduced socially diffuse control over land and development while the banking sector’s control over the allocation of funds for housing purchases grew. Increasing housing prices rendered savings-based access to owner-occupation nearly impossible. Loans became necessary, thus excluding a section of the population, who were forced to rent (Emmanuel 2004, Μαλούτας 2009). In addition, bank capital invested in land development altered the distribution of urban rents, excluding actors or transforming their strategies. For example, small-scale builders had the opportunity to finance the purchase of land for future development through bank lending. This way, they could often increase their profit by altering the established exchange relationship with land owners (flats-for-land) . In general, mortgage loans reinforced the pre-existing trend towards the marketisation of home acquisition as well as in letting the market determine the spatial location of social groups in the urban fabric.
These developments influenced -but were also reflected in- the spatial characteristics of the housing credit market. The way in which mortgages are distributed in Attica is not merely the aggregate result of household choices but illustrates the banking system’s discrimination policies as regards loan provisions. The findings presented here are a result of quantitative analysis of Bank of Greece data for the Prefecture of Attica during 2006-2013 and of interviews with banking sector employees and executives as well as borrowers.
According to the analysis of the addresses, in the Prefecture of Attica, of the dwellings for which residential property valuations were carried out by commercial banks during 2006-2013 (85,000 in total), properties valued for mortgage purposes are not uniformly spread across Attica On the contrary, there are significant cluster formations, due to the characteristics of demand and the unequal access to mortgages. However, we should bear in mind that selective concentration of loans in specific areas of the city indicates that the focus is placed on specific desirable social groups, who do receive financing, while other “high credit risk” groups are excluded.
In particular, mortgage loans were spatially concentrated on suburban neighbourhoods, while very few loans were approved for properties in city centre areas. More precisely, in spite of the absence of mortgage lending for purchases in central areas of Athens, many purchases were made in the area by social groups with no access to loans by commercial banks, such as the migrant population. As maps 1 and 2 show, significant loan concentrations are to be found in Petroupolis in the west, the municipality of Acharnes in the north, in Mesogia in the east and in Glyfada and Voula in the south. Access to loans is characterised by a two-fold geography: on one hand, by the separation between the city’s east and west due to the different types of loans (bigger loans in the east and smaller in the west) and, on the other hand, by a substantial distinction between the centre and the periphery.
The spatial concentration of loans in suburban areas of Athens is mainly due to the housing preferences of the majority of buyers in this period, who wished to live in the suburbs. A significant number of new households use mortgages to buy houses close to their parents’ neighbourhoods, in traditionally working class suburbs (Petroupoli, Perama). However, other than this, there is an intense concentration of dwellings bought using bank credit in numerous areas in North Eastern Attica that dynamically re-entered the real estate market, due to extensive road network improvements. Until recently, housing prices in those areas were comparatively low. In this case, the extensive use of mortgages provided the middle classes, typically living in central areas, with the opportunity to relocate to the suburbs. The main spatial criterion of middle class strata was not family networks, but the comparatively low prices in this housing “sub market”. Thus, the housing mobility trends observed here reflect the movements of low and middle-income strata as opposed to previous periods.
Other than the preferences regarding the area of residence, the geography of the mortgage market is the result of bank lending policies that create social and spatial discriminations. First, the Greek banking sector’s oligopolistic structure -the dominance of four large commercial banks based in Attica- is directly related to unequal access to mortgages. Secondly, centralised decision-making processes also led to the promotion or exclusion of specific social groups, professional categories as well as areas or entire regions -for example, more mortgages were granted to civil servants and fewer to households whose income derived from agriculture.
The internal bank mechanisms and procedures used for the assessment of loan-holders’ creditworthiness per se offer interesting information for the detection of the cause behind emerging social geographies. These tools categorise areas and prospective borrowers in groups according to their profit potential, thus turning them into goods with specific prices, available for sale like any other commodity (Aalbers 2011). For example, during the target-setting process, the bank centrally defines the quantity of mortgages to be provided at a local level, often by Postal Code. Thus, a seemingly “purely internal” (as mentioned in the interviews) bank process is directly connected to the city’s development and the social division of urban space.
Credit scoring is the centralised procedure of rating potential buyers’ creditworthiness in order to approve or reject a loan application after taking into account the candidate’s income, gender, nationality and age, but indirectly also rating the areas where new residences will be purchased. In Athens, these tools: i) excluded or discouraged “higher risk” groups from borrowing. There is also evidence that valuers were more conservative in their price estimates for dwellings in city centre locations with large migrant populations, thus reducing the size of the mortgage that the bank could approve ii) provided unfavourable loan terms to areas of lower-income strata, in particular smaller mortgages in the city’s west. Thus, the lack of mortgages in central areas of Athens is not a passive, direct result of demand, but indicates that there were instances of direct or indirect exclusion from banking credit. However, American phenomena, such as the exclusion of entire areas from mortgage lending due to the risks connected to ethnic populations residing there- “red-lining”-(Aalbers 2011), were not faithfully reproduced in Greece.
In that period, the banking sector became a significant “urban factor”, creating continua in the traditional housing system. In spite of the rhetoric that housing credit became accessible to a large part of the population, it seems that access to housing for lower social strata has become more difficult compared to previous decades. The financialisation of housing provision has fuelled speculation and has put borrowers under pressure by exposing them to risks and payback obligations, but has not necessarily increased access to home ownership for lower social strata. The research of the hidden mechanics of mortgage lending outlines new social geographies of inequality. Furthermore, the 2008 economic crisis underlines in the most vivid way that access to housing through bank credit was a significant factor behind the current housing crisis, whose consequences on broad social strata become more pronounced as time passes.
[1] This article is based on PhD research conducted under the supervision of Prof. Guy Burgel (advisor: Prof. Belavilas), with the provisional title: «La production de l’espace dans la capitale grecque entre état et marché: Le cas du marché hypothécaire», financed by the State Scholarships Foundation (ΙΚΥ).
Entry citation
Patatouka, E. (2015) Access to owner-occupied housing through mortgage lending, 1990-2013: Loan-holders’ housing mobility towards the suburbs and exclusion from mortgages in the city centre, in Maloutas T., Spyrellis S. (eds) Athens Social Atlas. Digital compendium of texts and visual material. URL: https://www.athenssocialatlas.gr/en/article/mortgage-lending/ , DOI: 10.17902/20971.12
Atlas citation
Maloutas T., Spyrellis S. (eds) (2015) Athens Social Atlas. Digital compendium of texts and visual material. URL: https://www.athenssocialatlas.gr/en/ , DOI: 10.17902/20971.9
References
- Burgel G (1976) Αθήνα. Η Ανάπτυξη μιας Μεσογειακής Μητρόπολης. Αθήνα: Εξάντας.
- Βαΐου Ν, Μαντουβάλου Μ και Μαυρίδου Μ (2004) Αθήνα 2004: Στα μονοπάτια της παγκοσμιοποίησης. Γεωγραφίες 7: 13–25.
- Μαλούτας Θ (2009) Κοινωνική κινητικότητα και στεγαστικός διαχωρισμός στην Αθήνα: Μορφές διαχωρισμού σε συνθήκες περιορισμένης στεγαστικής κινητικότητας. Στο: Μαλούτας Θ, Εμμανουήλ Δ, Ζακοπούλου Έ, κ.ά. (επιμ.), Κοινωνικοί μετασχηματισμοί και ανισότητες στην Αθήνα του 21ου αιώνα, Αθήνα: ΕΚΚΕ, Μελέτες – Έρευνες ΕΚΚΕ, σσ 28–61. Available from: http://www.ekke.gr/open_books/athens_2008.pdf.
- Σαπουντζόγλου Γ, Χατζηκωνσταντίνου Γ, Μητράκος Θ, κ.ά. (2010) Η μορφολογία του ελληνικού τραπεζικού συστήματος και η διεθνής χρηματοπιστωτική κρίση: Οικονομικές και κοινωνικές επιπτώσεις. Αθήνα: Οικονομικό Επιμελητήριο της Ελλάδας.
- Aalbers MB (2011) Place, Exclusion, and Mortgage Markets. 1st ed. Place, Exclusion, and Mortgage Markets, Oxford: John Wiley & Sons.
- Emmanuel D (2004) Socio-economic inequalities and housing in Athens: impacts of the monetary revolution of the 1990s. The Greek Review of Social Research 113: 121–143.